As politicians’ children occupy elective and government positions, millions of Nigerians continue to battle poverty, unemployment and lack of basic services. Since Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999, the country has witnessed the steady emergence of political families in which political influence, government appointments and elective offices have increasingly become concentrated within particular families.<\/p>\n
Umuaka Times investigations show that from the Sarakis in Kwara to the Tinubus in Lagos, the Iboris in Delta, the Akeredolus in Ondo, the el-Rufais in Kaduna and several other political families across the country, children and relatives of established politicians have entered the corridors of political power. The development has generated an increasingly uncomfortable question: Is Nigerian democracy gradually becoming a system in which political power is inherited or passed from one generation to another, while millions of ordinary Nigerians remain trapped in poverty and without meaningful access to political opportunities? A working review of prominent cases between 1999 and 2026 shows numerous instances in which the children of influential politicians have become senators, members of the House of Representatives, commissioners, local government chairmen, political appointees and other influential figures.<\/p>\n
To be clear, Umuaka Times believes that being the child of a politician does not automatically mean that the person is incompetent or undeserving of public office. Several of those who entered politics through established political families have won elections legitimately and have qualifications of their own. The concern, however, is about the unequal starting point. While the average Nigerian youth may struggle to secure employment, raise money to contest even a local government election or obtain access to influential political networks, the children of established political figures often enter public life with something that ordinary citizens do not possess name recognition, political connections, financial resources and access to powerful networks. One of the most prominent examples is the Saraki political family of Kwara. The late Olusola Saraki built a formidable political structure in the state, which subsequently provided a platform for his children, Bukola Saraki and GbemisolaSaraki, to occupy major political offices. Gbemisola entered the House of Representatives in 1999, later became a senator and subsequently served as a federal minister. Bukola Saraki became governor of Kwara State and later served in the Senate, eventually becoming President of the Nigerian Senate. Thus, within one political family, two children of a major political figure went on to occupy some of the country’s most important elected and appointed positions.<\/p>\n
Another highly visible example is the Tinubu family. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who served as governor of Lagos State from 1999 to 2007 and later became President of Nigeria in 2023, has also seen members of his immediate family occupy prominent positions. His wife, Oluremi Tinubu, became a senator representing Lagos Central and later became Nigeria’s First Lady following Tinubu’s election as president. His daughter, Folashade Tinubu-Ojo, became Iyaloja-General. It is important to distinguish between these positions. They were not all government appointments personally made by Bola Tinubu. Nevertheless, the example illustrates the extraordinary political visibility and influence that can develop around powerful political families.<\/p>\n
Perhaps more directly relevant to the debate over political patronage is the case of former Ondo State governor Rotimi Akeredolu. During his administration, his son BabajideAkeredolu was appointed Director-General of the Ondo State Performance and Project Implementation Monitoring Unit. Unlike cases in which a politician’s child independently wins an election, this example involved a direct government appointment. It therefore raises the question of whether public offices should sometimes be subjected to stronger safeguards when the beneficiary is an immediate relative of the person controlling the government.<\/p>\n
Former Delta State governor James Ibori also provides another example. His daughter, Erhiatake Ibori-Suenu, entered politics, serving at the state level before subsequently becoming a member of the House of Representatives. Her political rise demonstrates another form of political succession \u2014 the transition from a powerful parent with an established political network to a child who eventually becomes an elected representative.<\/p>\n
Former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai’s son, Mohammed Bello el-Rufai, also entered national politics possibly courtesy of his father. Mohammed Bello el-Rufai became a member of the House of Representatives and subsequently took on a leadership role as chairman of a House committee. Again, there is no basis for automatically concluding that his election was illegitimate simply because his father was a former governor. But the case raises the larger question of access. How many young Nigerians with comparable qualifications have the same opportunity to enter national politics? How many can mobilise the political machinery necessary to win a federal constituency? How many can call upon networks accumulated over decades by a former governor?<\/p>\n
Former Oyo State governor Adebayo Alao-Akala’s son, OlamijuwonloAlao-Akala, represents another notable case. The young lad was appointed caretaker chairman of Ogbomoso North Local Government in 2017 and later won election as substantive chairman. In 2023, he won election to the House of Representatives and subsequently became chairman of a House committee. The trajectory from local government leadership to the National Assembly demonstrates how political families can establish a succession of positions for the next generation.<\/p>\n
The pattern extends beyond these better-known political dynasties. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s daughter, Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello, served as Ogun State Commissioner for Health and later became senator representing Ogun Central. Former Ogun State governor Olusegun Osoba’s son, Olumide Osoba, became a member of the House of Representatives. Former Edo State governor and former labour leader Adams Oshiomhole’s son, Cyril Oshiomhole, was appointed Edo State Commissioner for Health. Former Kaduna governor Abubakar Bukar Ibrahim’s daughter, Khadija Bukar Ibrahim, became a member of the House of Representatives and later served as a federal minister. Former Benue governor and politician David Mark’s daughter, Blessing Onuh, became a member of the House of Representatives. Former Plateau State governor Solomon Lar’s daughter, Beni Lar, also served in the House of Representatives. Former Niger Delta political heavyweight Emmanuel Uduaghan has similarly been associated with the political advancement of members of his family.<\/p>\n
Other examples cited in discussions about Nigerian political dynasties include the families of Lai Mohammed, Musiliu Obanikoro, Adebayo Adefarati, Ifeanyi Okowa, Jerry Gana, Abdullahi Ganduje, David Umahi, MudashiruObasa and AbiolaAjimobi, among others.<\/p>\n
The phenomenon is not restricted to northern Nigeria, Lagos or the South-South. In Imo State, former governor Rochas Okorocha’s political family network has also attracted attention, particularly through his son-in-law Uche Nwosu, who served as Chief of Staff and later became a governorship candidate. This case should technically be classified as an extended-family relationship rather than a biological parent-child case. That distinction is important because a serious newspaper should not lump sons, daughters, spouses, sons-in-law, daughters-in-law and other relatives into one category without identifying the relationship correctly.<\/p>\n
But beyond the names and positions is a much bigger national question. What happens to the ordinary Nigerian? For millions of Nigerians, politics remains an almost inaccessible profession. A young graduate may possess university qualifications but remain unemployed. A young entrepreneur may struggle to obtain a bank loan. A farmer may have no access to modern equipment or affordable credit. A community may spend years waiting for a functioning road, hospital, electricity supply or potable water. Parents struggle to pay school fees while millions of young people search endlessly for employment. Yet political office can provide access to enormous networks of influence, visibility and opportunity.<\/p>\n
The child of an established politician may enter that environment with the advantage of a famous surname and a network that took the parent decades to build. This creates what critics describe as an unequal political playing field.<\/p>\n
Is political power becoming a family property? This is perhaps the most uncomfortable question raised by the phenomenon. Democracy is supposed to provide citizens with the opportunity to choose their leaders. But democracy does not necessarily guarantee that everyone has equal resources with which to compete.<\/p>\n
If political families continually produce governors, senators, ministers, members of parliament, commissioners and other influential officials, there is a danger that political power may gradually become concentrated within a relatively small number of families. Only time will tell for this Umuaka Times prediction.<\/p>\n
As politicians’ children occupy elective and government positions, millions of Nigerians continue to battle poverty,…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":19610,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[2],"tags":[1285,843],"yoast_head":"\n